010 072 306 2 



111 



HoUinger Corp. 
pH 8.5 



IpR 658 

07 W3 

I Copy 1 



THE ORIENTAL IN ELIZABETHAN DRAMA 



LOUIS WANN 

UNIV y OF ;oi\ism 



Reprinted for private circulation, from 
MoDKRN Philology, Vol. Xll, No. 7, January 1915 



^. of i>. 

JAN 10 1920 






THE ORIENTAL IN ELIZABETHAN DRAMA 

The purpose of the study whose results I propose to outline in 
the following paper has been threefold. I have endeavored : 

First, to bring together a corpus of Elizabethan plays dealing 
with oriental matter. I have restricted my study to those plays 
produced from 1558 to 1642, in which the events portrayed take 
place or could take place since the rise of the Ottoman empire in the 
thirteenth century. Furthermore, I have included only those plays 
in which at least one Oriental appears in the dramatis personae. 
I have also taken account of both extant and non-extant plays, out 
of regard for the light which the latter throw on the subjects and 
general nature of these oriental plays and as an indicator of the inter- 
est taken by Elizabethans in the Orient. 

Secondly, to make an analysis of the plays thus collected, on 
the basis of: (1) types of plays; (2) sources; (3) scenes of action; 
(4) nationalities represented; (5) customs depicted. 

Thirdly, with this corpus as a basis and this analysis as a guide, 
aided also by an examination of the political situation in Europe 
and the relations between the English and the Orientals, to deter- 
mine how extensive and how accurate was the knowledge of the 
Elizabethans regarding the Orient. 

I. CORPUS OF PLAYS 

Following is the body of plays which I have considered in this 
study. They are arranged in chronological order, according to the 
most probable date of first production or writing. The titles itali- 
cized indicate non-extant plays. I have given in every case what 
information is ascertainable in regard to: (1) title; (2) type of play; 
(3) author; (4) general source employed; (5) source employed for 
the oriental matter. " Un. " indicates unknown. It will be noticed 
that the general source by no means corresponds necessarily with the 
oriental source. 

423] 163 [MoDEEN Philology, January, 1915 



164 



Louis Wann 



1. 


1579 


2. 


1580 


3. 


1581 


4. 


1586 


5. 


1587 


6. 


1587 


7. 


1588 



8. 1588. 

9. ca. 1588. 

10. ca. 1588. 

11. ca. 1589. 

12. 1589. 

13. ca. 1590. 

14. 1591. 

15. ca. 1593. 

16. 1594. 

17. 1594. 

18. 1596. 

19. 1597. 

20. 1598. 

21. 1600. 



Conq. 
O. S. 

0. S. 



G. S. 



List of Plays 

The Blacksmith's Daughter. Com. of travel. Auth. un. 
G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

The History of the Soldan and the Duke of . Type un. 

Auth. un. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

Solyniannidae. Lat. trag. of palace intrigue. Auth. un. 

G. S. Georgievitz ( ?). 0. S. same ( ?). Brit. Mus. MS. 

The Spanish Tragedy. Trag. Auth. T. Kyd. G. S. un. 

O. S. Wotton. 

Tamburlaine the Great, L Conq. play. Auth. C. Marlowe. 

G. S. Fortescue, Perondinus. 0. S. same. 

Tamburlaine the Great, 11. Same as L 

Soliman and Perseda. Trag. Auth. T. Kyd (?). G. S. 

Wotton. 0. S. same. 

The First Part of the Tragical Reign of Selimus. 

play. Auth. R. Greene (?). G. S. Paulus Jovius. 

same. 

Tamber Cam, I. Conq. play. Auth. un. G. S. un. 

un. Plot extant. 

Tamber Cam, II. Same as I. 

The Rich Jew of Malta. Trag. Auth. C. Marlowe. 

un. O. S. un. 

Alphonsus, King of Aragon. T. C. Auth. R. Greene. 

G. S. Facio (likely). O. S. un. 

Lust's Dominion. Trag. Auth. un. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

The Battle of Alcazar. Trag. Auth. G. Peele. G. S. 

Frigius. O. S. same. 

The True History of George Scanderbeg. Conq. play. Auth. 

C. Marlowe ( ?). G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

The Merchant of Venice. Com. Auth. W. Shakspere. 

G. S. Fiorentino, Gesta Romanorum, etc. 0. S. un. 

The Turkish Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek. Trag. (?). 

Auth. G. Peele. G. S. un. O. S. un. 

The Famous History of Captain Thomas Stukeley. Biog. 

Chron. Auth. un. G. S. other plays, ballads, Frigius. 

0. S. same. 

Frederick and Basilea. Rom. drama (?). 

un. 0. S. un. Plot extant. 

Vayvode. Type un. Auth. H. Chettle. 

un. 

The Spanish Moor's Tragedy. Trag. 

Haughton, Day. 

0. S. same(?). 



Auth. un. G. S. 



G. S. un. 0. S. 



Auth. Dekker, 
G. S. pamphlet (?), older play (?). 



424 



22. 


ca. 1600. 


23. 


1601. 


24. 


1602. 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 165 

Alaham. Senecan Trag. Auth. F. Greville. G. S. un. 
0. S. un. 

Mahomet. Conq. play ( ?). Auth. un. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 
A "Comedy" (on the capture of Stuhlweissenburg by the 
Turks). Com. (?). Auth. un. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

25. 1602. Zulziman. Conq. play (?). Auth. un. G. S. un. 0. S. 

un. 

26. 1603. Tomumbeius sive Sultanici in Aegypto Imperii Eversio. 

Lat. conq. play. Auth. G. Salterne. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

27. 1604. The Tragedy of Othello, the Moor of Venice. Trag. Auth. 

W. Shakspere. G. S. Cinthio. O. S. same. 

28. 1605. Masque of Moors. Masque (?). Auth. un. G. S. un. 

0. S. un. 

29. 1606. Mustapha. Trag. Auth. F. Greville. G. S. Georgie- 

vitz(?). 0. S. same(?). 

30. 1607. MuUeasses, the Turk. Trag. Auth. J. Mason. G. S. un. 

O. S. un. 

31. 1607. The Travails of Three English Brothers. Chron. of adven- 

ture. Auth. Day, W. Rowley, Wilkins. G. S. Nixon. 
O. S. same. 

32. 1610. A Christian Turned Turk, or the Tragical Lives of Two 

Famous Pirates, Ward and Dansiker. Play of adventure. 
Auth. R. Daborne. G. S. pamphlets, ballads. 0. S. same. 

33. ca. 1610. The Fair Maid of the West, or a Girl Worth Gold,i I. Com. 

of travel. Auth. T. Heywood. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

34. ca. 1610. The Fair Maid of the West, or a Girl Worth Gold,i II. 

Same as I. 

35. 1611. The White Devil, or Vittoria Corombona. Trag. Auth. 

J. Webster. G. S. un. 0. S. un. 

36. 1619. The Knight of Malta. T. C. Auth. (Beaumont and) 

Fletcher, Massinger, Field (?). G. S. Bandello, Boccaccio. 
0. S. BandeUo. 

37. 1624. Revenge for Honor. Trag. Auth. H. Glapthorne. G. S. 

Knolles. 0. S. same. 

38. 1624. The City Nightcap. T. C. Auth. R. Davenport. G. S. 

other plays ( ?). O. S. same ( ?). 

39. 1624. The Renegado. T. C. Auth. P. Massinger. G. S. Cer- 

vantes. 0. S. same. 

40. ca. 1627. The Courageous Turk, or Amurath I. Trag. Auth. T. 

Goffe. G. S. KnoUes. O. S. same. 

1 As scholars do not agree as to the date of these plays, ranging as they do from 1603 
to 1622, I have placed them here as coming logically among the other plays of travel 
and adventure. 

425 



166 Louis Wann 

41. ca. 1627. The Raging Turk, or Bajazet II. Trag. Auth. T. Goffe. 

G. S. Knolles. 0. S. same. 

42. 1638. Osmond, the Great Turk or the Noble Servant. Trag. 

Auth. L. Carlell. G. S. Knolles. 0. S. same. 

43. 1638. The Fool Would Be a Favourite, or the Discreet Lover. 

T. C. Auth. L. Carlell. G. S. un. O. S. un. 

44. 1639. The Rebellion. Trag. Auth. T. RawUns. G. S. un. 

O. S. un. 

45. ca. 1642. Mirza. Trag. Auth. R. Baron. G. S. Herbert, corre- 

spondence (?). O. S. Herbert, correspondence (?). 

46. ca. 1642. The Sophy. Trag. Auth. J. Denham. G. S. Herbert. 

O. S. same. 

47. un. Antonio of Ragusa.^ Hist. (?). Auth. im. G. S. un. 

0. S. un. Bodl. MS. 

We have, then, a body of 47 plays, 13 of which are non-extant. 
They cover the period from 1579, the date of the first known play 
dealing with oriental matter, to 1642, the date of the closing of the 
theaters. On examination, it will be seen that the 47 plays of this 
period of 63 years fall, rather roughly, into four groups, separated 
by intervals of years when no plays of the kind were produced. 
These chronological groups are as follows : 

I. 1579-1581 3 years 3 plays. 

II. 1586-1611 25 years 32 plays. 

III. 1619-1627 8 years 6 plays. 

IV. 1638-1642 4 years 5 plays. 
Date unknown Antonio of Ragusa. 

Group II is clearly the main one. In this period of 25 years, 
containing nowhere intervals of more than 2 years, 32 plays were 
produced. It is in this period that the interest of the Elizabethans 
in the presentation of oriental characters, life, history, and customs 
was strongest. While of no great significance, is not this fact of some 
interest when taken in connection with the state of English drama 
in general during this period ? It was, roughly speaking, this same 
period, from 1586 to 1611, that saw the greatest activity in the 

I While the exact date of this play is unknown, Schelling includes it in his list of 
Elizabethan plays. See Falconer Madan, A Summary Catalogue of Western MSS in 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford, III, 301, where the words "second half of the eighteenth 
century" are evidently a misprint for "second half of the sixteenth century." 

426 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 167 

Elizabethan drama at large. By far the greater part of the entire 
body of plays produced during the 85 years from 1558 to 1642 
appeared within these 25 years. Not only that, but practically all 
the vital stages in the development of Elizabethan drama, from its 
rise under Marlowe and Kyd to its perfection under Shakspere, are 
here seen. In fact, the very first play on our list of this period, 
The Spanish Tragedy of Thomas Kyd, may in a sense be taken as 
the starting-point, not only of the drama dealing with the Orient, but 
of the whole body of Elizabethan drama, as first fashioned in the 
school of Kyd, Marlowe, Greene, and Peele. And if such com- 
paratively crude plays as The Spanish Tragedy, Soliman and Per- 
seda, and Tamhurlaine mark not only the beginning in oriental plays, 
but in the drama as a whole, we have fifteen or twenty years later the 
masterpiece of Othello, in which the central figure is an Oriental, 
and the dramatic art of which is as far removed from that of the three 
plays mentioned as is the noble Othello from the despicable Moor 
of this same author's Titus Andronicus. 

When, again, we consider the authors of these oriental plays, we 
find that a goodly number of the important playwrights of the period 
were attracted to oriental matter. In this period of twenty-five years 
we find represented Kyd, Marlowe, Greene, Peele, Shakspere, Dekker, 
Day, Greville, Hey wood, and Webster. Extending our examination 
to the end of the Elizabethan period, we can add the names of 
Fletcher, Massinger, Glapthorne, Carlell, and Denham. With the 
plays of the period distributed thus widely among the important 
playwrights of the time, we are justified in the assertion that the 
production of oriental plays was not due to the fancy of any one 
author or group of authors, but that the interest of the Elizabethans 
was so considerable as to induce a majority of the main playwrights 
to write at least one play dealing with oriental matter. 

II. analysis of plays 

We now come to an analysis of the plays themselves. First, we 
shall consider the types into which these plays fall. The following 
summary will give the broad types under which they may be classi- 
fied and the relative frequency of each type. 

427 



168 Louis Wann 

Summary 

A. Tragedies 19 

B. Conqueror plays 9 

C. Plays of travel and adventure 7 

D. Tragi-comedies 5 

E. Dramatic romances, etc 4 

F. Type unknown 3 

47 

The first thing that strikes us in glancing at this summary is the 
great predominance of serious plays. The tragedies and conqueror 
plays in themselves number 28, and if we add 3 of the plays of travel 
and adventure, Stukeley, The Battle of Alcazar, and A Christian 
Turned Turk, which are also tragedies in a different form, we have 
31 plays out of 47 which are essentially tragic in nature. Of the 
remaining third, 16 in number, 5 are tragi-comedies and 4 are plays 
of travel and adventure of a tragi-comic nature. Only 4 out of the 
whole number merit classification under the lighter head of dramatic 
romances, comedies, and masques. Even here, the tragi-comic ele- 
ment in The Merchant of Venice, the only extant play of the group, 
hardly justifies us in separating it from the other tragi-comedies. 
And while it is probable that the three non-extant plays of this group 
were really in a somewhat lighter vein than the average tragi- 
comedy, we know too little of them to justify us in concluding that 
we have here a group which, in any real sense, merits classification 
under the comic as opposed to the serious type of drama. Of three 
plays we know nothing of the type, though it is likely that Vayvode 
was a conqueror play or tragedy similar to Scanderbeg, treating of 
the long struggle between one of the Vayvodes of Wallachia and the 
Ottoman Turks. 

Two-thirds of all these oriental plays, then, are tragic in nature. 
And of the remaining 16 plays, at least 9 are tragi-comic. Even 
accepting the 4 plays of the comic group as really comic in nature, 
we should have a miserably small representation. It is clear that 
there was something about the oriental matter dealt with which 
demanded serious treatment. Perhaps this was to be expected 
when we consider the probable conception which the Elizabethans 
had of the Orient as the domain where war, conquest, fratricide, 

428 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 169 

lust, and treachery had freer play than in the lands nearer home — 
a conception more or less justified by the actual facts. On the other 
hand, it may be due simply to the fact that the EHzabethans, like 
all other peoples before and since, not only interested themselves to 
a greater extent in the more serious because the more striking aspects 
in the affairs of foreigners, but that they actually knew much more 
about the wars and conquests of the Orientals than about the less 
serious and more common affairs of these people. Whatever the 
cause, the fact remains: the Elizabethan plays dealing with oriental 
matter were predominantly serious in nature. 

1. Types of plays. — -In regard to most of the types represented, 
little comment is required. It may be noticed, however, that with- 
out exception all of the plays dealing entirely with Orientals are 
either pure tragedies or conqueror plays. Those into which Orientals 
and Occidentals alike enter are for the most part tragi-comedies or 
plays of travel and adventure. These last form an interesting group. 
The first in point of time is The Blacksmith's Daughter, referred to in 
Gosson's School of Abuse (1579) as " containing the trechery of Turks, 
the honourable bounty e of a noble mind, the shining of vertue in 
distresse."* In Stukeley and The Battle of Alcazar, we have the glori- 
fication of an adventurous Englishman, who, after performing nu- 
merous exploits on land and sea, meets his death in northern Africa in 
the battle of Alcazar. Just as these two plays are founded on the 
facts of Stukeley's life, which terminated in 1578 in the historical 
battle of Alcazar, so all the rest of these plays of adventure are 
founded, more or less loosely, on current events. The Travails of 
Three English Brothers depicts the adventures of the Sherley brothers 
in Persia and is based on the highly colored narrative by Anthony 
Nixon which describes with much distortion of facts the actual expe- 
riences of Anthony, Robert, and Thomas Sherley at the Persian 
court and elsewhere. A Christian Turned Turk is one of those plays 
resulting from the popular interest in a number of daring sea rob- 
beries that occurred about 1609. This play, based on ballads and 
pamphlets of the moment, and a number of others served the function 
of modern newspapers and told the people all about these sensational 
events. The Fair Maid of the West is of the same nature. It breathes 

1 p. 30 (in the Shakspere Society Pub., Vol. II). 

429 



170 Louis Wann 

of the very air of Plymouth and the salt sea, and the life of the sea- 
rover is made strikingly vivid. In all these plays there is rapid 
shifting of the scenes of action. Perhaps in no other type of play 
can we see so well the boundless energy and love of excitement that 
we always associate with the Elizabethans. 

2. Sources of plays. — Before dealing with the sources of these 
particular plays, it may be well to take some notice of the entire 
body of sources that might have been utilized by the Elizabethan 
dramatist for the oriental matter of his play. Von Hammer in his 
Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches gives a " Verzeichniss der in Europa 
(ausser Constantinopel) erschienenen, osmanische Geschichte betref- 
fenden Werke."^ His complete list numbers 3,176 items. If we 
take only those likely to have been known to the Elizabethans — 
those printed between 1500 and 1640 — we have over 1,600 items. 
These are mostly histories, but include also ballads, poems, tracts, 
pamphlets, and stories. The majority are in Latin, but a great 
number are in German, French, Itahan, and Spanish, and some in 
English. The dramatist, then, had certainly no dearth of material 
which he could draw upon for the history, customs, and character 
of the Orientals. In fact, as Herford points out,^ the history of the 
Turks was a perfectly "safe" subject in every European book- 
market in the sixteenth century. The Ottoman empire was the 
mightiest in the world, and interest in the doings of the Turks was 
naturally intense. With these facts in mind, we shall not be inclined 
to regard a book dealing with the Orient as by any means an oddity 
and can see that the employment of such books as sources for plays 
was not only not an unusual thing, but a thing most naturally to 
be expected. 

Following is the list of sources used for oriental matter, arranged 
chronologically in the order in which they were first employed for 
particular plays. 

SouECEs Used for Oriental Matter 

1. Georgievitz, Bartholomaeus. De Turcarum Moribus, ca. 1481. 
(a) Solyrnannidae, 1581. 
(6) Mustapha, 1606. 

■ Joseph von Hammer, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches (Pest, 1827), Vol. X. 
- The Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century, p. 168. 

430 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 171 

2. Wotton, Henry. Courtlie Controversie of Cupids Cautels, 1578. | 

(a) The Spanish Tragedy, 1586.^ j 

(6) Soliman and Perseda, 1588.^ 

3. Fortescue, Thomas. The Foreste or Collection of Histories .... 
dooen out of Frenche into Englishe, etc., 1571. 

(a) Tamburlaine, I and II, 1587. [ 

4. Perondinus, Peter. Magni Tamerlanis Scytharum Imperatoris Vita, j 
etc., 1553. \ 

(a) Tamburlaine, I and II, 1587. 

5. Jovius, Paulus. Rerum Turcicorum Commentariv^, etc., ca. 1550. 

(a) Selimus, 1588.^ 

6. Frigius, John Thomas. Historia de Bello Africano, etc., 1580. 

(a) Battle of Alcazar, 1591. 
(6) Stukeley, 1596. 

7. Other Plays. 

(a) Stukeley, 1596. - ' 

(6) The City Nightcap, 1624. 

8. Ballads. 

(a) Stukeley, 1596. 

(&) A Christian Turned Turk, 1610.' 

9. Cinthio, Jiovanni Battista Giraldi. Gli Hecatommithi, 1565. 

(a) Oi/ie^to, 1604. 

10. Nixon, Anthony. (A pamphlet describing the travels of the Sherley j 
brothers, title not ascertained), 1607. 

(a) Travails of Three English Brothers, 1607. 

11. Pamphlets (miscellaneous). ! 

(o) A Christian Turned Turk, 1610.' | 

12. Bandello, Matteo. Novelle, 1554. i 

(a) The Knight of Malta, 1619." ' ! 

13. Knolles, Richard. The Generall Historic of the Turkes from the first 

beginning, etc., 1603. i 

(a) Revenge for Honour, 1624. , ; 

(6) T/te Courageous Txirk, 1627. 

(c) r/ie /^agfm^ Twr^-, 1627. • j 

{d) Osmond, 1638. ] 

14. Cervantes, Miguel de. (1) Comedia de los Banos de Argel, about 1585, i 
and (2) Don Quijote de la Mancha, 1605. 

(a) The Renegado, 1624.^ ' 

1 See Gregor Sarrazin, Thomas Kyd und sein Kreis (1892). 

2 See Hugo Gilbert, Robert Vreene's Selimus (Kiel, 1899). 

3 See A. E. H. Swaen, "Robert Dabome's Plays," Anglia, Vol. XX. 

4 See Erich Bliihin, Uber " The Knight of Malta" und seine Quellen (Halle, 1903). { 

5 See Theodor Heckmann, Massinger's " The Renegado" und seine spanischen Quellen | 
(HaUe-Wittenberg, 1905). 

431 I 



172 Louis Wann 

15. Herbert, Sir Thomas. Some Years Travels into Divers Parts of Africa 
and Asia the Great, etc., 1638. 

(a) Mirza, 1642. 
(6) The Sophy, 1642. 

16. Correspondence (of an ambassador of Charles I at the Persian court to 
friends at Cambridge). 

(a) Mirza, 1642. 

We have here the sources for the oriental matter employed in 
22 of the 47 plays. The sources for the remaining 25 are not yet 
ascertained. However, 13 of these 25 are non-extant, so that we 
lack the sources of only 12 extant plays. Among the chief of these 
are The Jew of Malta, Alaham, Tomumheius, and The Fair Maid of 
the West. What investigation I have been able to make regarding 
these plays has thrown no definite light on the question of their 
sources. 

It will be seen from this list that in the majority of cases histories 
were the sources employed. Out of 27 instances enumerated show- 
ing the employment of some source, 15 point to the use of histories. 
In 7 cases these histories were in Latin, and they were all used com- 
paratively early. No Latin source has been proved to have been 
used for a play written since 1606. The English histories, on the 
other hand, were all employed long after 1606, with the single excep- 
tion of Fortescue's work, which is itself a translation from the French. 
Of the Latin histories, Georgievitz, Frigius, and Perondinus were 
each used twice. Of the English historians, Knolles was used 4 
times, Herbert twice, and Fortescue twice. It is surprising to find 
that Knolles was not oftener used, especially in view of the fre- 
quently met assertion on the part of scholars and historians of the 
drama that Knolles was the common source for plays dealing with 
oriental matter. Professor Schelling's statement that "the general 
source for English dramatists dealing with the history of the Otto- 
man Empire is Knolles' s General History of the Turks, 1603"^ is cer- 
tainly inaccurate, in view of the fact that of the dozen or so plays 
that can properly be construed as dealing with the history of the 
Ottoman empire, 6 were written before Knolles's history came out, 
and only 4 of the entire number point unmistakably to this as a 
source. 

' Elizabethan Drama, II, 496. 

432 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 173 

Next in importance to histories come stories. But we tiave only 
5 definite instances of their use: Wotton was used twice, Cinthio, 
Bandello, and Cervantes once each. It is not unlikely that stories 
may have been the material employed in some of those plays whose 
sources are not known, as for example The Jew of Malta, Alaham, 
and Mulleasses, though I am more inclined to think that MuUeasses 
and Alaham are the results of a rather grave distortion by the 
dramatists themselves of events recorded in histories. Plays are 
used twice, ballads twice, pamphlets twice, and correspondence once. 

This completes the list of the positively known sources. Only 
one inference of any definiteness can be drawn therefrom: that his- 
tory of some kind was very largely the storehouse for the oriental 
matter in these plays. And while ballads, stories, and pamphlets 
were also used to some extent, it is quite probable that if we knew 
the sources of the remaining 25 plays, we should find them to have 
been in large measure these same or similar histories, if for no other 
reason than that many of them are concerned with precisely the 
same subjects treated in the plays we know to have been thus derived. 

Accuracy of sources: We come now to the question of the reli- 
ability of the sources used. For if we are eventually to determine 
the extent and accuracy of the Elizabethan's knowledge of the Orient 
as exhibited in these plays, we must know, in addition to the knowl- 
edge he acquired otherwise, not only the sources employed, but how 
closely these sources were followed, and how accurate they were. 
Some of these sources we know. As to the closeness with which they 
were followed, little need be said, as it is clear that in the great 
majority of cases, the dramatist has adhered faithfully to the account 
of the historian, story-teller, or pamphleteer. Tamburlaine is a 
good example of this, showing, both in the description of Tambur- 
laine himself taken from the Latin of Perondinus and in the sequence 
of events as taken from Fortescue, how closely Marlowe adhered to 
his sources. In Osmond and Revenge for Honor, to be sure, the 
dramatist takes liberties with his material. But these plays, unHke 
Mustapha and Solymannidae, which use the same material, do not 
pretend to be historical, and the dramatist cannot be called to 
account for failing to give us the story, when all he intended was to 
give us a story. With these and other minor exceptions, as in both 

433 



174 Louis Wann 

Goffe's Turkish plays for example, we can credit the Elizabethan 
dramatist with following with tolerable faithfulness the materials he 
used. 

It is now necessary to determine in how far these sources, thus 
faithfully followed, present an accurate account of the history or a 
truthful picture of the customs and character of the oriental peoples. 
We shall leave out of account the stories and ballads, which from 
their nature are not amenable to criticism from the standpoint of 
fact, however much we may ask them to present the essential truth, 
which as a rule they do. We shall consider, then, the histories, 
which were used in the majority of cases as sources for these plays. 

Needless to say, history was not then written in the scientific 
spirit. Each historian copied from his predecessor, with or without 
acknowledgment, and felt no compunction in coloring the narrative 
to increase its interest, or in mingling legend with fact, with the result 
that his successor honestly accepted the whole as fact and so trans- 
mitted it to his successor with his own embellishments. And while 
it is true that, especially among the writers nearest the scene of 
action in time or place, the essential truth of the narrative is rarely 
lost sight of, it was inevitable that later writers, who were more and 
more distant from the time and place of the events described, should 
lose the sense of proportion, elevate legends to the rank of facts, and 
so give to the whole story the tinge of romantic untruth. 

Many examples might be cited in illustration of this phenomenon. 
But three instances will suffice — the stories of '•' 'jTj^e Murder of Mus- 
tapha," "Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek," "Bajazet and the 
Iron Cage." The first of these stories is the basis of the main plot 
ui three pi:i,ys: Solymannidae, Mustapha, and Revenge for Honor; 
while it also enters prominently into two others: Alaham and Osmond. 
The plain facts about this famous episode, as given by von Hammer,^ 
are these. Prince Mustapha, the eldest son and heir-apparent to 
the throne of Suleiman the Great, was an extremely accomplished 
and noble prince, a successful soldier, and the hope of the empire. 
But Roxolana, Suleiman's Russian favorite in the harem, desired 
the succession for her own son Seliin. With the aid of the Grand 
Vezir Rustem Pasha, who had married her daughter, Roxolana 

1 III, 317-18. 

434: 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 175 

succeeded in convincing Suleiman that Mustapha was plotting his 
father's overthrow, relying on his universal popularity among the 
soldiers and people. Suleiman, pretending to make a campaign 
against the Persians, marched his army into Asia Minor to the 
province then governed by Mustapha who innocently went to meet 
his father at Eregli. Pitching his tent beside Suleiman's, the Prince 
went to the latter to pay his respects to his father. But on entering 
he found no one to greet him but the seven dread mutes, who at once 
strangled him. On hearing the news, Mustapha's younger brother 
Tchihanger, who had loved him devotedly, fell ill and died of grief. 

Now, to these plain facts as related by all Ottoman historians, the 
European historians have not only added many stories of attempts 
at poisoning, of secret letters, of Suleiman's urgent cries to the mutes 
to be swift in their work, and such other details as tend to augment 
Suleiman's crime, but they have even made the Sultan go on a pil- 
grimage to Jerusalem to expiate his crime, and, what is more important 
for us, have all agreed in reporting Tchihanger's death as due to 
suicide. This last particular is very important, as we shall see later 
in dealing with the customs of the Orientals, for, in addition to the 
fact that all 5 plays adopt many of the minor legendary accretions, 
3 of them introduce quite prominently the suicide of Tchihanger, 
and the suicide of some character is a strong factor in all. Thus the 
dramatist, honestly following his source, has, not to mention minor 
inaccuracies, been led to portray Suleiman as a feelingless father and 
unreasonable tyrant, Tchihanger as a suicide, and Roxolana's 
daughter Carmena (in Mustapha) as a martyr to her love for her 
brother — all of which flatly contradicts the facts as related by all 
Ottoman historians and by von Hammer. 

The second story is that of " Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek," 
used as the basis of the main plot in Osmond, The Courageous Turk, 
and presumably in Peele's non-extant play of Mahomet and Hiren 
the Fair Greek. It is also the subject of Gilbert Swinhoe's The 
Unhappy Fair Irene (1658), of Charles Goring's Irene, or the Fair 
Greek (1708), and Dr. Johnson's Irene (1749).^ There is only one 
bare thread of a fact upon which the whole marvelous story has 

1 See also the poem by William Barksted entitled "Hiren or the Fair Greke," pub- 
lished n 1611. 

435 



176 Louis Wann 

hung these several centuries. I shall give in translation von Ham- 
mer's account of the incident and its transformation into a story of 
tragic romance.^ After describing the capture of Euboea from the 
Venetians, July 12, 1470, by Mohammed II, von Hammer concludes: 

Mohammed, in order to revenge himself for the loss of 50,000 men, satis- 
fied his rage against the brave defenders of their fatherland by means of 
ingenious tortures. Some of the Venetians were impaled, some quartered^ 
some stoned; but the Greeks were led away as slaves, Paul Erizzo, as the 
ambassador of Calayrita and Leontari, was sawed in two, and his daughter, 
who did not show herself sufficiently yielding, was cut to pieces.^ Out of this 
incident has probably arisen the fable of Irene, which may well serve as 
material for an unhistorical tragedy (hke that of Johnson's), but deserves 
no place in history, least of all on the authority of a novelist like Bandello, 
whom the most recent editor of Leonardus of Chios, the Premonstratensian 
rEcuy, has not blushed in his notes to produce as an historical witness of 
this romantic episode.' 

Out of this mere incident in one of Mahomet's campaigns, which 
took place, not in Turkey but in Greece, not in 1453 but in 1470, has 
developed the romantic story of the capture of the beautiful slave 
Irene during the siege of Constantinople, Mahomet's enslavement 
to her charms, the consequent disaffection among the soldiers at 
their Sultan's indifference to war, the sacrifice of the Sultan's love 
in cutting off his favorite's head in the presence of his troops, and 
Mahomet's immediate declaration to forswear the pleasures of the 
harem and straightway to lead his army to the battlefield against the 
Christians. Such is substantially the story of Osmond and The 
Courageous Turk, and most likely of Peele's play also. 

ihe third story — that of "Bajazet and the Iron Cage," as seen 
in Tamburlaine, I — is perhaps the most interesting of all as showing 
what small errors on the part of historians can raise a mountain out 
< *■ -1 molehill. Von Hammer devotes considerable space to the 
examination of this "question of the iron cage." After describing 
the capture of Bajazet by Tamburlaine, the kindness with which he 
was treated by his captor, Bajazet's abortive attempt to escape 

1 For further examples in German and French literatiu-e see Michael Stephen Ofte- 
ring. Die Geschichte der " Schonen Irene" in der modernen Litteratur (Wiirzblirg, 1897). 

2 The italics are mine. 

' II. 99-100, and note, p. 555. 

436 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 177 

through a tunnel in the ground, and the consequent necessity of 
keeping a closer guard on him, he says: 

During the day a more numerous guard surrounded him, and at night 
he was put in fetters. From this, and from a false interpretation of the 
Turkish word kafes, which signifies "cage" and also "latticed room" or 
"litter," is derived the fable of the iron cage, repeated for so long a time by 
all the European historians after the Byzantine Phranzes and the Syrian 
Arab-Schah.^ 

After passing in review all of the Ottoman historians, who naturally 
say nothing of an iron cage, he adds : 

This accords with the following words of Neschri [one of the oldest 
Ottoman historians]: "Timur had made a htter in which he (Bajazet) was 
carried, just as in a kafes between two horses." It is evidently in this 
wrongly interpreted passage that we must recognize the primitive origin of 
the whole fable, which, growing with time, has finished by making itself a 
place in history. Not only does kafes mean, as we have said, a cage, but 
this word designates even today any latticed apartment of the women and 
even the dwelhng of the Ottoman princes in the seraglio at Constantinople. 
Kafes is used also of the latticed litters in which the women of the harem are 
carried on journeys, and it is precisely in a vehicle of this sort that Bajazet 
was carried between two horses. Later some obscure Ottoman chroniclers, 
lovers of anecdotes, on the faith of a Syrian poetaster, transformed this 
htter into an iron cage.^ 

Such is the origin of the famous story of Bajazet's imprisonment 
in the iron cage which found place in all European histories, and 
which may be found illustrated, along with portraits of the sultans, 
in Lonicero's Chronicum Turcicorum.^ There is, of course, less 
foundation for the scene where Bajazet and his wife commit suicide 
by dashing their brains out against the bars of the cage. Bajazet 
died eight months after the battle in which he was taken prisoner, 
not by violence, but of a broken heart, unable to endure the ignominy 
of defeat.* 

Thus is exemplified the almost inevitable tendency of legend to be 
treated as fact, given historians of a not too nice conscience and a 
taste for the romantic. These are perhaps small matters and do not 
greatly affect the question of the knowledge of the Elizabethans 

> I, 317-18. 2 1, 319-20. 

' Philippo Lonicero, Chronicum Turcicorum (Frankfort am Main, 1578), p. 12 B. 

* Ed. S. Creasy, History of the Ottoman Turks (1877), p. 49. 

437 



178 Louis Wann 

about the essential truth concerning the Orient. But it does show 
clearly that if Elizabethan dramatists erred in presenting false 
pictures of history or life, the blame was not theirs but that of the 
historians they followed. 

3. Scenes of action. — Obviously of much less importance than the 
question just considered is that of the location of the action of these 
47 plays. But it is not without some interest as a sort of visual- 
ization of the various peoples and lands that were presented to the 
Elizabethan audience. Needless to say, it is in many cases impossible 
definitely to localize the action, because of the shift from one land 
to another, from land to sea, and from continent to continent. In 
the following summary, therefore, I have been content to indicate 
the general locality of the main action of each play. 

Scenes op Action 

A. European Turkey 12 

B. North Africa 6 

C. Italy 6 

D. Asia Minor 4 

E. Persia 4 

F. Spain 4 

G. Malta 2 

H. Cyprus 

1. Rhodes 

J. Tartary 

K. Arabia 

L. Egypt 

43 
Scene unknown 4 

47 

Little comment is called for, as the table is self-explanatory. 
Two things, however, are worthy of notice: (1) that almost every 
country touching the Mediterranean is represented; and (2) that 
Turkey is the scene of more plays than any other land. Taken in 
connection with what follows and considered as an aid in the determi- 
nation of our conclusions, these two points are of some importance. 

4. Nationalities represented. — The question now to be considered 
— the various peoples represented in these plays and the accuracy 

438 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 179 

of the characterization — is perhaps deserving of more attention than 
any other phase of this investigation. But the scope and difficulty 
of any satisfactory study of the question have precluded anything 
but a general survey of the field ; and I have been forced to base my 
conclusions mainly on the average student's knowledge of these 
peoples, supplemented by the additional knowledge I myself have 
acquired through a more or less intimate association with the present- 
day representatives of these same Orientals. 

In the following summary I have indicated the frequency with 
which these various nationalities occur in the 47 plays under con- 
sideration. 

Nationalities Represented 

Turks in 31 plays 

Westerners 27 

Moors 18 

Eastern Christians 12 

Persians 8 

Tartars 5 

Jews 6 

Arabs 4 

Egyptians 4 

As Turkey was the land represented most often as the scene of 
action, so the Turks are the people occurring most frequently as 
characters. In fact, they occur oftener than the Westerners them- 
selves — a fact more striking than appears at first sight; for the term 
Westerner includes all the Christian nationalities of Europe, whereas 
the Turk is only one of the half-dozen oriental races which figure in 
these plays. Clearly the interest in the Turks was stronger than in 
any other oriental race. The Moors come next and then the eastern 
Christians — rarely designated by race, but presumably Armenians, 
Greeks, Bulgarians, and so forth. The Persians, Tartars, Arabs, and 
Egyptians are much less prominent, owing not only to the less fre- 
quent contact of Westerners with these peoples, but also to the fact 
that they were much less "in the limelight" than their renowned 
neighbors, the Turks, and their coreligionists, the Moors. The Jews, 
of course, might occur in any play of most any character whatever. 

And now what is the picture given us by the dramatist of these 
various races? I shall give briefly and with as little taint of 

439 



180 Louis Wann 

prepossessed ideas as possible the impression I have received of each 
of these various nationalities through the reading of these plays. I 
shall there point out wherein it seems to me the dramatist's char- 
acterization does or does not conform to the probably true char- 
acterization. 

The Turks are generally represented as valiant, proud-spirited, 
and cruel. There is almost universal admiration for their valor, and 
I can think of no instance where they are considered in any marked 
degree deserving of contempt. The railing of avowed enemies, as 
that of Tamburlaine against Bajazet and the Turks, cannot of course 
be considered indicative of the general attitude toward them. Their 
pride of spirit is continually dwelt upon. Their cruelty is brought 
out more in their dealings with one another than in those with other 
peoples. This is shown most often in the introduction of parricide, 
especially fratricide — in the Mustapha plays, Soliman and Perseda, 
Selimus, and others. No particular color of face is noted — a fact 
which shows clearly that the dramatist distinguished sharply enough 
between the Turks and the Moors, as the color of the latter is almost 
invariably mentioned in a prominent way.^ In the matter of the 
portrayal of good and bad Turks, the count stands about even. We 
have such villains as Ithamore in The Jew of Malta and Mulleasses 
in the play of that name. But we also have the distinctly noble 
character of Osmond in Carlell's play, the illustrious prince Mustapha 
in all the plays dealing with this story, and such minor characters 
as Lucinda in The Knight of Malta. There seems to be no indication 
of a prejudice against the Turk, and the dramatist has not, there- 
fore, attempted deliberately to paint his worst side. As far as I can 
judge, he has given us a fairly accurate picture of the Turk of that 
time. It is true, of course, that the charge of cruelty against the 
Turk of today would be the grossest of libels, and there is scarcely 
any mention of that hospitality, patriarchal dignity and simplicity, 
and frank generosity that impress foreigners today as his most 
prominent qualities. But not only was the Turk most likely a 
different man at that time, but these simpler qualities would not be 
so easily known as his valor, pride, and cruelty. So it is more likely 

1 Contrast this with the freauent occurrence of the black-faced "Turkish knight" 
in the English mummers' plays. See Camb. Hist, of Eng. Lit., V, 36. 

440 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 181 

than not that the Elizabethan characterization of the Turk of 1600 
was an accurate one. 

The Moors are in some ways made similar to the Turks,, They . 
are almost always valiant and proud of spirit. But they differ in 
some ways also. They are more barbarous and distinctly lustful. 
We have only to think of Eleazar and Abdellah to get a distinct 
impression of their lustful leanings. But they are intelligent and 
masterful. And many are represented as exceedingly generous and 
noble. While Eleazar in Lust's Dominion, Zanche in The White 
Devil, and Abdellah in The Knight of Malta are shown as villains, yet 
who can doubt the nobility of Othello, in a less degree that of Joffer 
in The Fair Maid of the West, and also of Mullisheg in the same play ? 
ThgJVloors ai'e persistently described as very dark, and almost 
invariably no distinction seems to be made between the inhabitants 
of northern Africa and the Negro. Why this confusion was made is 
a puzzling question, since in other respects they seem to have char- 
acterized the Moors with a fair degree of accuracy. No doubt a 
little too much stress was laid on their lustful inclinations — they 
were, in a measure, made the scapegoat for the sins of all men, though 
there was of course more justification for it than in the case of some 
other oriental races. On the whole, they seem to have been less 
respected than the Turks, and this was probably a pretty just 
estimate. 

In distinction from the races just mentioned, the Elizabethans 
seem to have had very hazy ideas about the rest of the oriental 
nations. The Persians, Tartars, Arabs, and Egyptians might all 
have been cast in the same mold. Their morals are loose, and their 
monarchs are apt to be tyrannical. But there is not that definite- 
ness of characterization that we find in the case of the Turks and 
Moors. Tamburlaine, to be sure, is clearly drawn, but in almost 
every other case we feel that a complete shift of characters, say from 
Arabia to Persia, would not have called for a change in characteri- 
zation. On the score of indistinctness, then, these characters are 
certainly inaccurate. 

The Jew, whom I have not considered as an Oriental, appears in 
six plays, and in every one he is the villain or one of them. He is 
either a grasping miser or a treacherous tool, and no sympathy is 

441 



182 Louis Wann 

ever shown for him. Eastern Christians are treated very shghtly 
and figure almost universally as slaves and inferiors. 

In brief, the characterization of the Oriental is fairly accurate, 
considering the fact that the great majority of dramatists very likely 
never saw one of them. The attitude toward him is usually one of 
genuine interest and, except in the case of the Moor, rarely shows 
any avowed prejudice, if allowances be made for the very natural 
religious antagonism of Christian toward Mohammedan. The coiJ- 
fusion of Moor and Negro is of course an error. And we cannot 
claim a great deal for the dramatist's knowledge of the Orientals 
other than Turks and Moors. But I think we shall have to give 
him credit for a much more accurate and dispassionate portrayal of 
oriental character than we are wont to do. 

5. Customs depicted. — We now come to the consideration of the 
last phase in the analysis of these plays. How closely are the 
Elizabethan dramatists in touch with the customs of the Orientals, 
and how accurate are they in depicting them ? That their knowl- 
edge of oriental life was much greater than we usually give them 
credit for is quite evident. In almost everything that concerns the 
Mohammedan religion, the observance of its religious forms and the 
tenets of its followers, they display considerable knowledge. This 
is not remarkable when we consider the avidity with which Europeans 
seized upon all books relating to the religion and customs of the 
Turks and other Orientals and the great mass of such books that we 
have seen were at their command. And whatever may be said of 
the inaccuracy of the histories of the Orient, this charge can hardly 
be applied to the books describing oriental customs generally and 
religious customs in particular. For they were more often written 
by men who had seen what they described and dealt with contempo- 
rary matters and not with affairs of two hundred years past. Many 
of our plays are quite specific in describing religious tenets, as Mus- 
tapha and Alaham. The life of the seraglio and harem seems to 
have been fairly well known. And The Renegado of Massinger is an 
excellent example of a play showing throughout an intimate knowl- 
edge of minor but telling details in regard to oriental life that nobody 
but a careful student or an eyewitness could possess. Except for 
such minor inaccuracies as the mention of a church or temple in 

442 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 183 

place of a mosque, and allowing for the almost miiversal conception 
of the Turks as more superstitious than the Europeans, it is pretty- 
certain that, generally speaking, the customs of the Orientals were 
depicted with a fair approach to accuracy and a proper conception 
of their significance. 

There is, however, at least one glaring exception to this tolerably 
faithful portrayal of eastern customs — the introduction of suicide 
among the Mohammedans. As I pointed out in dealing with the 
sources of the Mustapha plays, European historians transformed the 
death of Tchihanger by grief into his death by suicide, contrary to 
the facts and all Ottoman historians. This was not merely a dis- 
tortion of a particular fact, ])ut, as we shall see, a violent misrepre- 
sentation of a fundamental rule of life among all Mohammedan 
peoples. Suicide of Orientals occurs in six of our body of plays — 
in Alaham, Revenge for Honor, Osmond, Mustapha, Soly?nannidae, and 
Tamhurlaine, I. The Elizabethan audience might be justified in 
concluding from this fairly prominent presentation of suicide that 
suicide was as common among Orientals as it had been among the 
ancient Greeks and Romans, and still was among all Christian 
peoples. Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth ;'.s 
anyone acquainted with oriental life and history knows. A brief 
citation from von Hammer will suffice to make clear the truth of this 
assertion. In relating the death by self -starvation of Chosrew Pasha, 
a favorite minister of Suleiman's who in 1547 experienced a sudden 
fall from glory strikingly similar to that of Cardinal Wolsey, von 
Hammer says: "and he took neither food nor drink, till on the 
seventh day he died; a manner of death not uncommon among 
Greeks and Romans, but almost unheard of in the histories of the 
Moslims, who moreover are preserved from the cowardice of death 
through suicide by religious submission to the decrees of fate."* It 
is evident from this passage that suicide has always been rare among 
MosHms, just as it is today. Very likely the dramatist was not 
acquainted with this fact, and in making his Orientals commit 
suicide he was merely introducing one of the time-honored stage- 
scenes that would be perfectly true to life among any but Moslim 
peoples. Still, as indicating a lack of knowledge concerning a most 

» III, 2S2. 

443 



184 Louis Wann 

fundamental attitude toward life, or at least a disregard for this 
attitude, the Elizabethan dramatist and, therefore, the Elizabethan 
people must be charged with a limited conception of at least one 
important phase of oriental life. 

III. CONCLUSION 

We are now ready to attempt an answer to the question, "How 
extensive and how accurate was the knowledge of the Elizabethans 
regarding the Orient?" We shall first glance very briefly at the 
political situation; and then, bringing together the conclusions 
reached in the study of the nature and extent of our corpus of plays 
as a whole, and the various aspects of the analysis we have under- 
taken, we shall endeavor to focus the light from these various sources 
on this final question. 

If there ever was a time in the world's history when the eyes of 
Europe should have been turned to the Orient, the sixteenth century 
was that time. And if there ever was a period in which interest in 
the East was not merely one of curiosity or novelty, but an active 
interest made necessary by the conditions of the time, it was the 
Elizabethan period. In the year 1600 the Ottoman empire was by 
far the most powerful in the world. Its territories extended from 
the Persian Gulf on the southeast to within a few miles of Vienna on 
the northwest; from the Atlas Mountains of Africa on the south- 
west to the Caucasus on the northeast. Twenty different races 
inhabited this empire. Its armies had for two hundred years been 
the best in existence, and, although some improvement had taken 
place in the armies of western Europe during the sixteenth century, 
" the Ottoman troops were still far superior to them in discipline and 
in general equipment."^ Under Suleiman the Magnificent, whose 
splendid reign of forty-six years had closed in 1566, the empire had 
been thoroughly consolidated, it enjoyed prosperity at home and 
universal prestige abroad. 

We have seen what a flood of books poured over Europe in the 
sixteenth century, telling of the rise of the Ottoman empire, relating 
in detail the exploits of the sultans, describing minutely the customs 
and reHgion of these powerful people. The Elizabethans, like all 

1 Creasy, p. 201. 

444 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 185 

the rest of Europe, were eager readers of these books. But it was 
not alone through books or mere hearsay that they acquired an 
interest in the Orient. The contact was much more real. From 
the year 1579, when three English merchants obtained from the 
Porte the same privileges for English residents in Turkey as those 
already enjoyed by other nations, the number of English merchants, 
travelers, and officials who visited or settled in the Orient constantly 
increased. In 1583 William Harebone became the ambassador of 
Queen Elizabeth to Constantinople, and, as Creasy says, 

sought anxiously to induce the Sultan to make common cause with her 
against the Spanish King [Philip II], and his great confederate the Pope of 
Rome .... and there is a letter addressed by her agent at the Porte to 
the Sultan in Nov. 1587, at the time when Spain was threatening England 
with the Great Armada, in which the Sultan is implored to send, if not the 
whole tremendous force of his empire, at least 60 or 80 galleys, "against that 
idolater, the King of Spain, who, relying on the help of the Pope and all 
idolatrous princes, designs to crush the Queen of England, and then to turn 
his whole power to the destruction of the Sultan, and make himself universal 
monarch.* 

The Turks promised help, but did nothing. Not only did the 
Enghsh use persuasion, but they are said to have sought, by large 
gifts of money to Seadeddin the historian, to gain the ear of the 
Sultan, in whose favor he was. There are three other letters to the 
Sultan from Elizabeth or her ambassador; one from Windsor in 
1582, concerning commercial privileges; another of 1587, requesting 
the release of some English prisoners from Algiers ; a third of Novem- 
ber 30, 1588, announcing the defeat of the Armada, and still urging 
the Sultan to attack Spain.^ In 1599 the Queen sent Thomas Dal- 
lam, a master organ-builder, to Constantinople with the present of 
an elaborate organ for the Sultan as a means of winning his favor 
for English commerce in the East and his help against her enemies.^ 

These are some of the incidents showing the practical nature of 
the relations between England and Turkey. After 1600, of course, 
these relations were of increasing significance.^ Not only did the 

1 Creasy, pp. 227-28. 

2 See von Hammer, IV, 621-25, where all these letters are given in full. 

* See the Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599-1600, edited for the Hakluyt Society 
by J. Theodore Bent (London, 1893). 

< The first Turkish envoy to England, Mustapha, arrived In 1606. 

445 



186 Louis Wann 

English go to Turkey, but the Turks came to England — with differ- 
ent intent, however. The following from Bates's Touring in 1600 
illustrates the further reason the Elizabethans had for being inter- 
ested in the Turks: 

In 1616 Sir G. Carew writes to Sir T. Roe that the Turks are passing out 
of the Mediterranean now, had just carried off all the inhabitants of St. 
Marie, one of the Azores, and might be looked for round England soon. 
In 1630 they took six ships near Bristol and had about forty of their vessels 
in British seas. In the following year they sacked Baltimore in Ireland; 
but so far was the EngUsh government from being able to assert itself that 
Robert Bayle writes of his passage from Youghal to Bristol past Ilfracombe 
and Minehead in 1635, that he passed safely "though the Irish coasts were 
then sufficiently infested with Turkish galleys; while in 1645 they called at 
Fowey and carried off into slavery two hundred and forty persons, including 
some ladies."' 

It was not mere desire for novelty, then, that prompted this 
interest in the Orient. It was of necessity an active and lively 
interest in a powerful people, similar in many ways to our interest 
in the Japanese of today. With this hasty survey of the political 
situation in mind, we are now ready to draw our conclusions. 

In the first place, we saw from the mere list of plays and the 
variety of subjects treated that the interest in the Orient was con- 
siderable. We then saw from the study of the types represented 
that the interest inclined to plays of a more serious nature — mostly 
tragedies and conqueror plays. From a survey of the sources we 
saw that in the majority of cases history was the material used, and 
that while this history was by no means always accurate as to details 
it reproduced the essential spirit of the Orient with a fair degree of 
truth and was in general faithfully followed by the authors of these 
plays. We saw further that these plays dealt with almost every 
land bordering the Mediterranean, but principally with Turkey. 
The nationalities represented included also practically all the races 
of the Orient. The Turks appeared most frequently, then the 
Moors; and while in certain cases striking inaccuracies were noticed, 
and while the delineation of the other oriental races was made with 
much less distinctness and understanding, yet on the whole the por- 
trayal of the Oriental was fairly true to life. We saw, also, that vc. 
the depiction of customs the Elizabethan dramatist was, in general 

> E. S. Bates, Touring in 1600 (New York, 1911), pp. 185-86. 

446 



The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama 187 

possessed of sufficient knowledge and sympathy to present to his 
audience a fairly detailed and correctly colored picture of oriental 
ways of life. In the important matter of suicide, however, we were 
compelled to charge him with either lack of knowledge or disregard 
of it. 

Keeping in mind, then, the considerable interest in the Orient 
that certainly did exist, and which is evidenced by the great number 
and variety of books about the Orient, by the number and variety 
of these plays themselves, and by the political situation of the time, 
we should expect a considerable and fairly accurate knowledge of 
the objects of this interest. And this, it seems to me, is what we find 
revealed in these plays. We have found some historical inaccuracies, 
a lack of any very distinct conception of race characteristics other 
than those of the Turks and Moors, and a rather serious miscon- 
ception of a fundamental rule of life. Yet, if we consider the pitifully 
meager knowledge possessed by the average American regarding the 
history, character, and customs of the Oriental, aided as he is by 
the book of travel, the newspaper, the telegraph, and the touring- 
steamer, we shall feel that he has made little use of his advan- 
tages. And I have little hesitation in recording my belief that, 
speaking not only comparatively but absolutely, the average Eliza- 
bethan had as wide and as accurate a knowledge of the Orient as 
has the average American of the present day. 

Louis Wann 

University of Wisconsin 



447 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 

BY 

LOUIS WANN 



REPRINTED FROM 

UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 
IN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 

NUMBER 2 



JAN 



Of d. 

10 1920 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 

Louis Wann 

The phrase "Light from the East" possesses, by virtue of 
an accident of geography, a more unique significance for 
English literature than for any other important literature 
of modern nations. Every outside influence of importance 
has, necessarily and literally, come from the East, in con- 
tradistinction, for example, to the case of Russian literature. 
But we do not, of course, use the phrase in this broad sense. 
The two greatest cultural influences in the formation of Eng- 
lish thought and literature through the centuries, that of 
Greek and Roman civilization conveyed by means of the 
Renaissance, and that of Hebrew civilization conveyed, for a 
longer period, by means of the Bible, are both, in a stricter 
sense than that just used, Oriental in provenance and nature. 
Yet we do not call the classics and the Bible Oriental. There 
is, then, a third important civilization or group of civiliza- 
tions, which, though deprived of the stimulus of a Renais- 
sance or the irresistible power of a Bible to aid it, neverthe- 
less made its attraction felt fairly early in English literature, 
and for the past four hundred years has affected with in- 
creasing profoundness the literary expression, if not the life, 
of the English people. This third civilization we call that 
of the Orient. 

Because of its important place in the history of the liter- 
ature, the influence of the Orient deserves more study than we 
have hitherto given it. Except for the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth centuries, it has been neglected.^ And it is in the 



^ Only two important contributions to thie subject, and these in re- 
stricted fields, have been made : Conant, Martha Pike, The Oriental Tale 
in England in the 18th Century, 1908, and Meester, M. E. de, Oriental 
Influences in the English Literature of the 19th Century, 1915. Com- 
pare the fuller treatments for French literature by Martino, Pierre. 
L'Orient dans la litterature francaise au xvii et au xviii siecle, 1906. 



164 UNIVERSITY OP WISCONSIN STUDIES 

two centuries preceding these that the real beginnings of the 
influence may be seen and studied, with its gradual develop- 
ment toward the conception of the Orient that produced the 
eighteenth century tale, the Orient-fascinated poet of the 
Romantic movement, and finally the scientific Orientalist of 
the nineteenth century. The place of the Oriental in Restor- 
ation drama constitutes one chapter in this study of four 
centuries of influence, which, linked with a similar study of 
the Oriental in the Elizabethan drama^ and the half-century 
preceding it, offers significant evidence of the manner in 
which the lure of the Orient fastened itself upon the English 
dramatist and the English citizen, and revealed itself in the 
productions of the stage during the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. A consideration of the conception of the Oriental 
as a dramatis persona in Restoration drama may, then, profit- 
ably be entertained. 

By way of clearness, we may first distinguish clearly the 
meaning of Orient and Oriental. Though these words con- 
vey to most minds a signification definite enough as opposed, 
broadly, to Occident and Occidental, they are yet capable 
of various interpretations when the question of exact de- 
limitation is raised. What are the exact or approximate 
boundaries of the Orient, both in time and place (for it is a 
question both of chronology and geography) ? Just what 
are the elements that go to form our picture of the Orient? 
In the broadest sense, an Oriental is one whose native habitat 
lies, without respect to time, within the following geographical 
area in the three continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia : In 
Europe, the Balkan States, Greece, and European Turkey; 
in Africa, all the lands bordering the southern shore of the 
Mediterranean, including the modern states of Morocco, Al- 
geria, Tunis, Tripoli, and Egypt; in Asia, practically the 
entire continent, from the Mediterranean to the Pacific, in- 
cluding the Oceanic Archipelago. 



=" See my article. The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama, in Moidern Phi- 
lology XII: 423-447 of which this study is a continuation on the same 
general plan and to which rather frequent reference must be made in 
the present paper. 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 165 

But this broad conception of the Orient, for us of the twen- 
tieth century, as well as for Englishmen of the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, is virtually a composite of three 
kindred conceptions of the Orient, corresponding to the three 
great influences above-mentioned. We may call these, for 
lack of better terms, the biblical Orient, the classical Orient, 
and the Orient proper. The distinction will be clear if we 
compare three specimens of the English drama, whose sub- 
ject-matter is alike in being Oriental in the broadest sense, 
yet different in varying distinctly the connotation of the term. 
Peele's David and BetJisabe, Dryden's All for Love, and 
Davenant's Siege of Rliodes are all Oriental, insofar as their 
scene of action is concerned. Yet the first is biblical, the 
second is classical, and only the third is specifically and 
properly Oriental. 

In addition to limitations of habitat, then, we shall have 
to fix limitations of time that will exclude the biblical and 
classical character. The clearest dividing line is the sixth 
century, which saw the rise of Mohammedanism with its 
attendant menace to Europe and the consequent focusing 
of attention on the Saracen, Moor, Tartar, Turk and other 
races of the Orient proper. The term Oriental, as here em- 
ployed, then, designates anyone whose native Jiahitat ivas in 
any of tJie parts of Europe, Africa, or As<ia above described 
since the rise of Mohammedanism in the sixth century. Only 
those characters thus limited by time and place may truly 
be called Oriental. 

With the limitations of the field thus fixed, we may proceed 
with three purposes in view: First, to present a corpus of 
Restoration plays whose dramatis personae contains at least 
one Oriental; second, to make an analysis of this body of 
plays on the basis of type, sources employed, scenes of action, 
nationalities represented, and customs depicted; and third, 
to form some conclusions regarding the accuracy and extent 
of the knowledge of Restoration Englishmen concerning the 
Orient, particularly as compared with the knowledge revealed 
by Elizabethan Englishmen. 



166 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

With the above definition in mind, I have gathered together 
the following body of plays, arranged in chronological order, 
according to the most probable date of composition. The list 
includes information regarding the title, author, scene of 
action, and sources employed. The scene of action here 
given is merely the country. The sources given are the result 
of the consensus of best opinion. Exhaustive examination 
of all the sources for the purpose of verification has been 
obviously impossible. In some cases, however, to be noted 
later, I am largely responsible for the determination of the 
sources here indicated. 

List of Plays' 

1. 1656. The Siege of Rhodes (Part I). Sir Wm. Dav- 
enant. H. Play (operatic). Rhodes. Sources: 
for historical matter, Knolles, Generall Ilistorie 
of the Turkes, 1603, and Bosio's Istoria delta 
sacra religione, etc., 1594; for romantic matter, 
doubtful.* 
*2. 1658. The Tragedy of the Unhappy Fair Irene. Gil- 
bert Swinhoe. Trag. Turkey. Based on 
Knolles' Historie (?). 

3. 1661. The Siege of Rhodes {Part II). Same as S. of 
R. {Part I). 
*4. 1664. Irena. Author unknown. Trag. Turkey ( ?) 
Source unknown, 

5. 1665. Mustapha, the son of Solyman the Magnificent. 
Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery. H. Play. Hun- 
gary. Based on the episode of Mustapha et 
Zeangir in Mile, de Scudery's Ibrahim, ou 
L'llliistre Bassa, 1641 (possibly through H. 
Cogan's translation, 1652). 



2 1 have had access to all but the six plays designated by an asterisk. 
Two of these, Howard's Conquest of China and Vienna Besieged, are non- 
extant, while Tamerlane the Beneficent exists in MS only. Copies of the 
remaining three are rare and difficult of access. 

* For the latest discussion of the sources of this play see J. W. Tupper's 
edition of Love and Honour and The Siege of Rhodes, 180-1. 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 167 

6. 1668. The Great Favourite: or The Duke of Lerma, 

Sir Eobert Howard. H. Play (?) Spain. 
Based on an old play called The Duke of Lerma,^ 
and, probably, contemporary historians. 

7. 1670? The Conquest of Granada hy the Spaniards 

(Part I). John Dryden. H. Play. Spain. 
Based mainly on Mile, de Scudery's Ihraliim 
(1641), Almahide (1660), and Le Grand Cyrus 
(1649-53), as well as La Calprenede's Cleo- 
patre and one or two Spanish sources. 

8. 1670? Same (Part II). Same as Part I. 

9. C.1670. The Conquest of China hy the Tartars. Elk- 

anah Settle. H. Play. China. Source doubt- 
ful, probably some contemporary history. 
^10. e,1670. The Conquest of China by the Tartars.^ Sir 
Robert Howard. H. Play? China? Source 
unknown. 

11. c.1670. The Empress of Morocco. Elkanah Settle. 

H. Play. Morocco. Based on material com- 
municated by the Earl of Norwich.'^ 

12. 1671. Mamaviouchi; or, the Citizen turn'd Gentleman. 

Edward Ravenscroft. Com. England. Taken 
from Moliere's M. de Pourceaugnac (1669) and 
Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme (1670). 

13. 1671. Abdelazar; or, the Moor's Revenge. Mrs. 

Aphra Behn. Trag. Spain. Alteration of 
Lust's Dominion (ptd. 1657). 

14. 1672. The Gentleman Dancing Master. Wm. Wycher- 

ley. Com, England. Influenced by Calderon 's 
El Maestro de Danzar (date?), and Moliere's 
L'Ecole des Maris (1661). 



' See Howard's statement to this effect, apparently overlooked hereto- 
fore, in his preface "To the Reader." 

« See Dryden's letter to his sons at Rome (Saintsbury's ed. of Dryden, 
XVIII: 133), in which he indicates his intention of altering Howard's 
play for stage presentation. 

' See Settle's dedicatory epistle to the Earl of Norwich. 



168 UNIVERSITY OP WISCONSIN STUDIES 

15. 1672, Amboyna. John Dryden. Trag. Molucca 

Islands. Main plot founded on history; the 
rape of Ysabinda from Cinthio's Gli Hecatom- 
mithi (1565). 

16. 1674. The Empress of Morocco. Thomas Duffet. 

Farce. Morocco. A burlesque of Settle's play 
(see above). 

17. 1674. Love and Revenge. Elkanah Settle. Trag. 

France. A material alteration of Wm. Hem- 
inge's The Fatal Contract (ptd. 1653). 

18. 1675. Aurengzehe. John Dryden. H. Play. India. 

Based mainly on The History of the Late Rev- 
olution of the Empire of the Great Mogol, etc. 
By Francois Bernier. First Eng. ed. 1671 ; one 
scene from Scudery's Le Grand Cyrus. 

19. 1675. The Siege of Constantinople. Nevil Payne? 

Trag. Turkey. Sources: for historical matte r, 
doubtful, possibly Knolles' Historic or Peter 
Heylin's Cosmography (1622) ; for contempor- 
ary allusions, the political situation in England. 

20. 1676. Ibrahim, the Illustrious Bassa. Elkanah Settle. 

H. Play. Turkey. Based on Mile, de Scudery's 
Ibrahim (1641), possibly through Cogan's 
translation (1652, 1674) or George de Scudery's 
play of the same name (1642). 

21. 1680. The Conspiracy: or, the Change of Government. 

"W. Whitaker. H. Play. Turkey. Source un- 
known. 

22. 1681. Tamerlane the Great. Chas. Saunders. Trag.? 

Tartary. Based on a novel called Tamerlane 
and Asteria (date?).® 

23. 1682. The Heir of Morocco, with the Death of Gay- 

land. Elkanah Settle. Trag. Algeria. Source 
doubtful, probably the same as for The Empress 
of Morocco. 



8 See Saunders' preface to the play. 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 169 

24. 1682. Venice Preserved. Thomas Otway. Trag. 

Italy. Based on Saint-Real's historical novel, 
La Conjuration des Espagnols contre la Venise 
en 1618 (1674). 

25. 1682. The False Count. Mrs. Aphra Behn. Farce. 

Spain. From Moliere 's Les Precieuses Ridicules 
(1659) and Les Fourheries de Scapin (1671). 

26. 1682. The Loyal Brother, or the Persian Prince. 

Thomas Southern. Trag.? Persia. Based on 
a novel called Tachmas, Prince of Persia, trans, 
from French by P. Porter (1676). 

27. 1686. The Sacrifice. Sir Francis Fane. H. Play. 

China. Source unknown, possibly Knolles' 
Historic or a similar historical work. 

28. 1687. The Island Princess. Nahum Tate. Tragi- 

com. Molucca Islands. Alteration of Fletcher's 
Islayid Princess (ptd. 1647, 1679). 
*29. before 1688. Vienna Besieged.^ Author unknown. 
Droll. Austria? Source unknown, probably 
contemporary accounts. 

30. 1689. Don Sebastian. John Dryden. Trag. Morocco. 

Source doubtful ; mostly of Dryden 's invention. 

31. C.1690. The Abdicated Prince : or, The Adventures of 

Four Years. Anon. Tragicom. (allegorical). 

"Hungaria Nova." An Oriental allegory of 

contemporary English history. 
*32. 1692. Tamerlane the Beneficent. Wm. Popple? Trag. 

Turkey. Source unlmown. 
33. 1692. The Fairij-Queen. Elkanah Settle? Opera. 

Varied scene. Alteration of Shakespeare's 

Midsummer Night's Bream. 
*34. 1694. The Ambitious Slave; or, a Geiierous Revenge. 

Elkanah Settle. Trag. Varied scene in Orient. 

Source unknown. 
35. 1696. The Royal Mischief. Mrs. De la Riviere Man- 
ley. Trag. Georgia (in the Caucasus). Based 



•See Hazlitt's Mamial for the Collector .. .of Old English Plays, 246. 



170 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

on The Travels of Sir John Chardin into 
Persia, etc., 1686. 

36. 1696. Ibrahim, the 13th Emperor of the Turks. Mrs. 

Mary Pix. Trag. Turkey. Based on Sir Paul 
Ryeaut's The History of the Turkish Empire, 
from the Year 1623 to the Year 1677, etc. 1687. 

37. 1697. The Mourning Bride. Wm. Congreve. Trag. 

Spain. Source unknown. 

38. 1698. Beauty in Distress. Peter A. Motteux. Trag. 

Portugal. Source unknown. 

39. 1699. The Island Princess. Peter A. Motteux. Opera. 

Molucca Islands. Altered from Tate's Island 
Princess. 

40. 1702. Tamerlane. Nicholas Rowe. Trag. Turkey. 

Source unknown. 

41. 1703. The Governor of Cyprus. John Oldmixon. 

Trag. Cyprus. From, a novel called The Gov- 
ernour of Cyprus, or The Loves of Virotto and 
Dorothea (date?) 

42. 1704. The Conquest of Spain. Mrs. Mary Pix. Trag. 

Spain. Based on Wm. Rowley's All's Lost hy 
Lust, 1633. 

43. 1704. Ahra-mide; or. Love and Empire. Joseph 

Trapp. H. Play. Turkey. Source unknown. 

44. 1706. Almyna, or The Arabian Vow. Mrs. Manley? 

Trag. Arabia. Founded on some "Life" of 
Caliph Valid Almanzor, and the beginning of 
The Arabian Nights Entertainments. 

45. before 1708. Irene, or The Fair Greek. Chas. Goring. 

Trag. Turkey. Source unknown. 
We have here a body of forty-five Restoration plays in- 
troducing Orientals into the dramatis personae, as compared 
with a similar number in the Elizabethan period.^" Of these 
forty-five, only two are non-extant, Vienna Besieged and 
Howard's Conquest of China, as compared Avith thirteen 
non-extant plays in the earlier period. The time covered by 



"There are 47 in my published list. But I have since added several 
plays, in most of which, however, the Oriental element is slight. 



THE ORIENTAL, IN RESTORATION DRAMA 171 

this group is 52 years, from 165G (the date of Tlie Siege of 
Rhodes, the first Oriental play since the closing of the theatres 
in 1642) to 1708, hj which time the dominance of Restoration 
ideals may be said practically to have ceased. A merely ex- 
ternal comparison of the Restoration and Elizabethan groups 
of plays reveals several interesting likenesses and differences. 
In the first place, it is obvious that the vogue of the Orient 
was a more continuous and lively one in Restoration drama 
than in the preceding era. The noticeable gaps between the 
four successive groups of Elizabethan plays^^ find no parallels 
in the later period. Yet, although the plays follow one an- 
other much more regularly, they fall likewise into four fairly 
distinct groups, as follows: 

I. 1656—1668 12 years 6 plays 

II. 1670—1676 6 years 14 plays 

III. 1680—1699 19 years 19 plays 

IV. 1702—1708 6 years 6 plays 

It is clear that, so far as numbers go, groups II and III 
are the main centers of interest — a body of thirty-three plays 
in about thirty years. It is interesting, moreover, to note 
that group II synchronizes in the main with the period of 
the heroic play and that seven heroic plays are here found, 
whereas in group III ten of the nineteen plavs are tragedies, 
an evidence of the changing emphasis upon type between 
1675 and 1680. Groups II and III are, then, the heroic play 
and tragedy groups respectively. Groups I and II are not 
without their distinctive importance, however, since, when 
the plays are considered from the point of view of their 
wholly Oriental character, these two groups show a far larger 
number of plays entirely Oriental (five in group I and all in 
group II) than the two middle groups. 

Not merely in comparative numbers, however, does Restor- 
ation drama reveal greater interest in the Orient than does 
Elizabethan drama. Considerable as were the number and 



"See the article above indicated, Mod. Phil. XII: 428. Succeeding ref- 
erences are to following parts of the same article. 



172 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

range of authors represented in the earlier period, their num- 
ber and range are even more considerable in the later period. 
The appeal of the Orient to Restoration dramatists was far 
Avider, attracting every important writer of heroic and tragic 
plays in the whole period with the single exception of Lee. 
Comedy, as was noticeably true of the earlier period, is scant- 
ily represented, being inherently little adapted to the treat- 
ment of Oriental matter. Dryden, Davenant, Otway, Rowe, 
Wycherley, and Congreve are all present, as well as less 
important but well-known figures like Boyle, Howard, Settle, 
Southern, Ravenscroft, Fane, Tate, Motteux, Mrs. Behn, Mrs. 
Pix, and Mrs. Manley, not to mention the distinctly minor 
dramatists. The figures lacking are, aside from Lee, all 
comedy writers — Etherege, D'Urfey, Farquhar, Shadwell, 
Vanbrugh. Not merely this range of representation, how- 
ever, is significant. The fact that Dryden contributed five 
plays. Settle seven, and several others two each indicates that 
the Orient was made use of in more than a merely casual 
manner — that it had, in a word, a distinct place, more so 
than in Elizabethan drama, in the business of play production. 
In turning to the more detailed analysis of individual 
plays, we may first consider briefly the matter of dramatic 
types. The following summary indicates the types found, 
with their relative frequency : 

Types of Plays 

Heroic plays 12 

Heroic plays (operatic) 2 

Tragedies 22 

Tragi-comedies 2 

Comedies 2 

Operas 2 

Farces 2 

Drolls 1 

45 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 173 

As ill the ease of Elizabethan drama, the serious plays con- 
stitute the great majority, only seven being of a lighter nature. 
The Elizabethan conqueror play has given way to the heroic 
play, and the plays of travel and adventure, at best a tempor- 
ary outburst of a decade or so, do not appear at all. The 
opera, farce, and droll are new forms, though of little im- 
portance. The primary interest, of course, centers in the 
heroic plays and tragedies, especially the former. Of the 36 
plays of these two types, three are difficult to classify. The 
Duke of Lerma, though included by Dr. Chase^" in his list 
of heroic plays, is described by Langbaine^^ and Ristine^* 
as a tragi-comedy, and it would seem difficult, in view of its 
blank verse medium and Howard's opposition to rhymed 
verse, to square it with Dr. Chase's definition of the heroic 
play. In like manner, Tamerlane tJie Great and The Loyal 
Brotlier, though in blank verse, are as clearly of the heroic 
type as The Duke of Lerma}^ Both tone and medium are, 
perhaps, distinct enough in the heroic play type in general, 
but it would seem that tone should be considered of first 
importance as a criterion. Two heroic plays not considered 
by Dr. Chase (aside from the two doubtful plays just men- 
tioned) are Howard's non-extant Conquest of China and 
Trapp's Ahra-mule. Altogether, the prominence of the heroic 
play in our list is the most significant feature of this study 
of types, since not only do we find seven successive examples 
between 1665 and 1670, but these include such prominent 
landmarks as Dry den's Conquest of Granada, Settle's Em- 
press of Morocco and Conquest of China, and Boyle's Musta- 
pha. And it is the exaggerated prominence of this type, cast- 
ing its influence over tragedy as well, that gave that false 
color, or rather colorlessness, to the Oriental characters of 
the dramatis personae which made no distinction between 



^= Chase, L. N., The English Heroic Piny, 238. 

"Langbaine, G., An Account of the English Dramatick Poets, 276. 

" Ristine, F. H., English Tragicomedy, 214. 

" The use of the term "tragedy" on the title-page is of no significance. 
Settle's Empress of Morocco and Conquest of China are entitled "trage- 
dies," as are genuine tragedies lilve Ibrahim the 13th, The Royal Mis- 
chief, Almyna, etc. 



174 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

Turk, Moor, or Tartar and endowed the hero of any race with 
the qualities of an Almanzor. Tragedy suffered less distor- 
tion of truth, but it should be borne in mind that the arti- 
ficialities of the heroic type thrust forward a view of the 
Oriental which was without doubt far from the genuine con- 
ception held of him by Restoration Englishmen. 

A second aspect in which this body of plays may be con- 
sidered, one of greater significance than that just touched 
upon, concerns the sources from which these individual plays 
were derived. It should be remarked at the outset that, as 
regards the fundamental character of sources available dur- 
ing the Restoration period, conditions were not materially 
different from those that prevailed fifty years previous. It 
is true that from the point of view of mere quantity of sources 
the Restoration dramatist had a great advantage over his 
Elizabethan predecessor, though Von Hammer's list of over 
1600 works dealing with the Orient printed between 1500 
and 1640 shows what a wealth of material was accessible 
even to the Elizabethan dramatist.^'' Travel to the Orient had 
increased considerably, diplomatic and commercial relations 
were becoming much more intimate, the French romance writ- 
ers of the school of Mile, de Scudery were turning out pon- 
derous volumes of an entirely new ge^ire, and it is certainly 
true that European contact with all parts of the East was in 
general much closer than during the early years of the cen- 
tury. In spite of all this, however, the fundamental char- 
acter of these accounts, particularly the romances, remained 
about the same — that is, the sense of historical accuracy, the 
ability and the willingness to distinguish legend from fact. 
were still undeveloped. In one important field, progress had 
been made. The accounts of travelers, consuls, and diplomatic 
officials, who had seen things at first hand, were more numer- 
ous and more accurate than heretofore. But, as we shall see 
later, these accounts were little drawn upon, compared with 
the older histories and highly-colored romances. While works 
on the Orient, then, were much more numerous, their character 



"Von Hammer, Joseph, Geschichte der osnianischen Reiches (Pest, 
1827), Vol. X. 



THE ORIENTAL, IN RESTORATION DRAMA 175 

was on the whole not such as to lead us to expect appreciably 
more accurate portrayals of Oriental history, life, and char- 
acter. With these considerations in mind, we may examine 
the various classes of sources used, as represented in the fol- 
lowing table, with the number of instances in which each class 
was drawn upon : 

Sources Employed 

I, History and travel (including contem- 
porary accounts) 20 

II. French dramas and romances 10 

III. English plays 8 

IV. Novels 6 

V. Miscellaneous 4 

VI. Unknown 12 

As will be seen, we know the sources, at least in part, for all 
but twelve plays. As in the case of Elizabethan drama, the 
historical works were drawn upon most heavily. Histories, 
novels, and English plays were more numerous as sources 
than in the earlier period. The miscellaneous sources are in 
both cases unimportant. The most striking difference is, of 
course, the introduction of an entirely new class of material — 
French drama and romance, which in quantity and influence 
were second in importance only to history. As the heroic 
play was the most significant type, so French literature was 
the most significant influence, when the two periods are com- 
pared. 

First in importance are the historical and descriptive works. 
Knolles' Generall Historie was probably used in at least five 
plays, Bosio's Isioria in two, and Rycaut's "Continuation", 
Chardin's Travels into Persia, and Bernier's history of the 
Mogul Empire each once. It is, of course, possible that 
Knolles and Rycant were used much more than we are cer- 
tainly aware of, but our certain knowledge shows that, as in 
the case of Elizabethan drama, Knolles for one has been over- 
estimated as a single source, and we should expect much more 
use of the contemporary Rycaut. Of perhaps greatest inter- 



176 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

est is the employment by Dryden in Aurengzehe of Francois 
Bernier's The History of the Late Revolution of the Empire 
of the Great Mogol, etc. (first English ed, 1671). So far as 
I am aware, the certain use of this work has not hitherto 
been remarked by historians of the Restoration drama. Tav- 
ernier and Bernier have both been cited as possible sources, 
but it has apparently escaped the attention of Dryden scholars 
that Archibald Constable, the recent editor of Bernier 's work, 
after a careful comparison of the two works, concludes that 
"Bernier's entire work formed the leit motif, nay a good deal 
more than that, of Dryden 's drama. "^' In support of this 
statement he prints several illustrative passages with strik- 
ingly apt comparisons to portions of Bernier's work.^® An- 
other interesting case is that of Mrs. Fix's use of Rycaut's 
history of the Turkish Empire (1687) in her Ibrahim. My 
comparison of the two works shows clearly how she used the 
brief story of Ibrahim's last days (pp. 76-79 in Rycaut) as 
the basis of her play, giving names to the nameless char- 
acters, transferring the dagger episode from the old widow to 
the young and unfortunate victim of the sultan's passion, 
and in other really skilful ways heightening the color legit- 
imately to enhance the dramatic interest. The remaining 
historical sources not yet mentioned include unascertained 
histories and contemporary accounts for seven plays (in- 
cluding the monstrous political allegory of Tlie Abdicated 
Prince) and either verbal or written communication from the 
Earl of Norwich, ambassador to Morocco, as the basis of Set- 
tle's Empress of Morocco and probably also his Heir of 
Morocco. 

Next in importance and probably of greater interest is the 
class of French drama and romance, a new influence in Eng- 
lish drama dealing with the Orient. Moliere, Mile, de Scud- 
ery, and La Calprenede constitute the sources. Five plays 
of Moliere were used, Monsieur de Pourceaugnac, Le Bour- 
geois Gentilhomme, UEcole des Maris, Les Precieuses Ridi- 



" Travels in the Mogul Empire, A. D. 1656-1668. By Francois Bernier — 
By Archibald Constable — Westminster — MDCCCXCI, page 466. 

^«Ibid., pp. 465-9, Appendix I, "Regarding Dryden's Tragedy of Au- 
rengzebe". 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 177 

cules, and Les Fourheries de Scapin. Of these the most in- 
teresting is the case of Le Bourgeois GentilJiomme, whose fa- 
mous Turkish scenes furnished the plagiarist Ravenscroft 
with not merely the material but the title of his Mamamouchi. 
Three of the romances of Mile, de Scudery, IhraMm, Ahna- 
Jiide, and Le Grand Cijrus, furnished material for the whole 
or parts of five plays, all of them important, the most out- 
standing being Dryden's Conquest of Granada, indebted to 
all three romances, as well as to other sources. La Calpre- 
nede's Cleopatre was influential in this last play and no- 
where else.^" 

The remaining sources may be dismissed with a word or 
two. Eight different English plays, mostly from the Eliz- 
abethan period, were the basis of eight Restoration plays. 
The cases deserving particular mention are Settle 's alteration 
of Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream into his The 
Fairy Queen, introducing Chinese characters; Buffet's bur- 
lesque of Settle's Empress of Morocco, which did much to 
cast ridicule on the heroic play; and the two versions of 
Fletcher's Island Princess by Tate and Motteux, a tragi- 
comedy and an opera seizing upon a far-away milieu as apt 
material for scenic effects and heroic atmosphere. Six plays 
were based on novels, three of them now forgotten English 
stories. Finally, four plays were drawn from miscellaneous 
material, including a play of Calderon's, whose isolation in 
this regard stands as striking testimony to the unexpectedly 
small influence which Spanish literature exerted on the pro- 
duction of Restoration plays on the Orient. 

One flnal word should be said regarding the accuracy with 
which these sources were used. The general character of the 
sources has already been pointed out. But the vogue of the 
heroic play and its unquestionable influence upon other types 
of drama were powerful forces in the direction of the further 
distortion of truth. What Dryden does in elevating the 



" For further discussion of French influence on Restoration drama, 
see. among others, Upham, A. H.. The French Influence in English Lit- 
au XVII^ siecle (1906). and Miles, D. H., The Influence of Moliire on Res- 
erature, (1908), Charlanne, Louis, L'Influence franchise en Angleterre 
toration Comedy (1910), and Hill, H. W., La Calprendde's Romances and 
the Restoration Drama (Univ. of Chicago thesis, no date). 

12 



178 UNIVERSITY OP WISCONSIN STUDIES 

character of Aurengzebe in conformity with the demands of 
the heroic play, is done by practically all dramatists who deal 
with Oriental characters. The aim was not truth but effect. 
And this charge cannot be laid against the Elizabethans. 
Their sources were inaccurate, but they used them, on the 
whole, with care. The Restoration dramatist, in his passion 
for scenic grandeur and heroic atmosphere, voluntarily and 
needlessly misread his sources and gave us pictures of the 
Oriental that, as regards character, are either colorless, sen- 
sational, or violently untrue. 

So far, in our discussion of types and sources, we have 
touched upon the more or less external aspects and relations 
of these Oriental plays. We now come to those internal as- 
pects which have more to do with their real nature and spirit, 
namely, the scenes of action in which they are laid, the na- 
tionalities which they present upon the stage, and the cus- 
toms and life of the Oriental which they depict. A brief dis- 
cussion of these three aspects, with the most salient illustra- 
tions of each, will suffice to make clear the essential truth 
about the nature of the Oriental as represented on the Restora- 
tion stage. 

Of perhaps less intrinsic importance yet of considerable 
significance, especially as compared with Elizabethan drama, 
is a survey of the scenes of action to be found in these plays, 
as indicated in the following summary showing the number 
of plays laid in each country: 

ScKNES OF Action 

A. Turkey, in 10 plays 

B. Spain '7 

C. China, Morocco, and the Moluccas, 

each 3 9 

D. Rhodes, England, and varied, each 2_ 6 " 

E. Algeria, Arabia, Cyprus, Persia, 

Georgia, India, Tartary, "Hun- 
garia Nova", Portugal, Hungary, 
Austria, France, and Italy, each 
one 1"^ 

45 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 179 

As compared with the Elizabethan group, the difference is 
striking. Whereas in the earlier period only eleven different 
countries are represented, there are here twenty-two coun- 
tries, indicating obviously a much wider range of scene, an 
intenser search for new and strange localities. The Eliza- 
bethan scenes are, with the exception of Persia, Tartary, and 
Arabia, confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, whereas 
the Restoration plays cover not merely the whole territory 
previously seized upon but most of Asia. China, India, and 
Georgia, as well as the European Hungary, Austria, and Por- 
tugal, are new scenes. Turkey seems to have lost some of its 
hold, being the scene of fewer plays than before, though it still 
remains the favorite setting, Spain has more attention, as 
being the center of the struggles between the Moors and the 
Spaniards represented in such plays as The Conquest of 
Granada and The Conquest of Spain. The most curious set- 
ting is the "Hungaria Nova" of The Abdicated Prince, the 
scurrilous political allegory which, under a very thin masquing 
of Englishmen as Hungarians, Turks, and Bulgarians, depicts 
the corruption of the court and the downfall of the recently 
deposed James II. Two other plays whose setting had con- 
temporary political significance are Dry den's Anihoyna and 
Whitaker's Conspiracy, the former designed to support the 
Dutch War, the latter containing a satire on Lord Shaftes- 
bury. In two plays. The Ambitious Slave and The Fairy 
Queen, the scene is varied, with no particular significance 
except as the latter shows Settle's craving for the scenic effects 
which, to his mind, Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream 
would not offer in its original form. The main significance of 
the aspect of milieu, then, is the great range of scene exhib- 
ited in the Restoration group. 

Much more important, of course, is the consideration of 
the nationalities represented on the stage, both as regards 
the centers of greatest interest and the manner in which the 
various races are delineated. The following table shows the 
frequency with which each race figures in the plays we are 
considering: 



180 university of wisconsin studies 

Oriental Races Represented 

A. Turks, in 21 plays 

B. Moors 18 

C. Tartars 7 

D. Greeks 7 

E. Hindus 5 

F. Chinese 4 

G. Persians and Molueeans, each 3 

H. Algerians, Arabs, Scythians, and 

Georgians, each 1 " 

The interesting feature of this summary is the introduction 
of three races hitherto untreated in English drama — the 
Hindus, Chinese, and Georgians. There are fewer plays with 
Turlvs, Persians, and Arabs than in Elizabethan drama, though 
the Turks still retain their place as the greatest center of in- 
terest. The Moors find place in exactly the same number of 
plays as before, but the Tartars are of somewhat greater at- 
traction. There are eight plays whose dramatis personae is 
made up entirely or practically of one race : the two plays 
entitled TJie Empress of Morocco present Moors only, The 
Loyal Brother Persians only, The Conspiracy and Ibrahim, the 
13th Emperor, Turks, The Royal Mischief Georgians, and 
Aurengzehe Hindus. In the plays portraying the contact, 
usually the struggle, of merely two nations, the combinations 
most frequently met are ]\Ioors and Spaniards, Turks and 
Greeks, Turks and Tartars, and Tartars and Chinese. 

What, now, can be said regarding the manner of portrayal 
of these individual races, particularly as regards truth to life? 
When viewed from this point of view we are bound to admit 
that Restoration drama falls far short of Elizabethan drama, 
for with comparatively few exceptions the presentation may 
be described as either "heroic" and consequently inaccurate, 
or simply colorless. All Oriental races seem to suffer almost 
equally in this regard, whereas in Elizabethan drama there 
is a very fair approach to accuracy in the presentation of at 
least the Moors and Turks, though the other races are not 
distinguished with anv care. The increased accuracy of char- 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 181 

acter portrayal which one would expect with increased knowl- 
edge of the Orient during the Restoration period is not forth- 
coming. For what reason? Here again the charge must be 
laid at the doors of heroic drama, a species which inevitably 
distorted true character to gain stage effect; and since the 
heroic play cast its blight over tragedy as well, the resulting 
deterioration was almost universal. The best examples of 
this heroic distortion of character are to be seen in the ex- 
alted characters of the Turkish Solyman in TJie Siege of 
RJiodes, the Tartar Zungteus in The Conquest of China, the 
Hindu Aurengzebe in Dry den's play, and the Moorish Al- 
manzor in The Conquest of Granada; and, on the other side, 
the debased characters of Laula in The Empress of Morocco 
and Kiosem in The Conspiracy. The extravagance, the su- 
perhuman physical prowess, and the unexpected nobility of 
Dry den's Almanzor may be taken as typical of the "heroic" 
elevation of character above its actual plane,^° whereas the 
debasement of the actual character may be typified by the 
sensual, murderous, and brazenly defiant Laula, the Empress 
of Morocco, who, when asked if she fears not eternal punish- 
ment for her crimes, cries : 

Hell! No, of that I scorn to be afraid: 
I'll send such things to the Infernal Shade; 
Betray and Kill, and Damn to such degree, 
I'll crowd up Hell, till there's no Room for Me." 

The ridicule which The Rehearsal poured upon the heroic 
play was well deserved, and Duffet's burlesque of The Empress 
of Morocco, though coarse and cheap in itself, helped to 
achieve the purpose expressed in the epilogue to his farce : 

Since with Success great Bards grow proud and resty, 
To get good Plays be kind to bad Travesty. 

Of purely colorless portrayal examples are numerous. 
From The Siege of Rhodes, which, as Schelling says, "lays no 
claim to plot, characterization, or variety save such as arises 



^ For a full discussion of Almanzor as the typical hero of the heroic 
play, see Chase, L. N., The English Heroic Play, 55-65. 
21 The Empress of Morocco, ed. of 1687, p. 21. 



182 UNIVERSITY OP WISCONSIN STUDIES 

from change of scene, appropriate costume, and attendant 
music, "22 clear through Goring 's Irene, we are constantly 
struck by the lack of any distinction, in most plays, between 
Chinese and Tartars, Turks and Greeks, and even Moors and 
Christians.-^^ Dryden's Ysabinda in Amhoyna has hardly a 
touch of distinction; and the Moors in Love and Revenge, 
The Mourning Bride, and The Conquest of Spain, the Turks 
in IhraJiim, tlie Illustrious Bassa and Abra-mule, the Chinese 
in The Fairy-Queen and The Conquest of China, the Greek 
courtezan in Venice Preserved, and the Arabs in Almyna 
differ a,lmost solely in being set down amidst different sur- 
roundings. In at least six plays^* the Moors are still con- 
fused with negroes, as in Elizabethan drama, the most strik- 
ing proof being found in the interesting full-page portrait of 
the perfectly black Empress of Morocco serving as frontis- 
piece to Buffet's farce. Inaccuracy of portrayal is, however, 
most significantly represented in the three plays presenting 
Tamerlane and Bajazet, namely, Saunders' Tamerlane the 
Great, Fane's Sacrifice, and Rowe's Tamerlane. In all three 
Tamerlane is made noble and generous, free from even re- 
ligious prejudice, whereas Bajazet is the incarnation of im- 
petuosity, cruelty, and rage, beating out his brains, in har- 
mony with the still persisting legend, against the bars of his 
iron cage. 

A few plays, however, redeem somewhat the reputation of 
the group as a whole for character portrayal. Eoxolana in 
Mustapha and Almahide in The Conquest of Granada are dig- 
nified women, and Constable points out that Dryden's con- 
ception of Nourmahal in Aurengzehe, being in perfect keep- 
ing with the facts as narrated by Bernier, does not deserve the 
criticism it has received as being unworthy of him. The 
presentation of the disguised Turks in The False Count shows 
a fair knowledge of the people and their customs, as do 



"T/ie Cambridge Hist, of Eng. Lit., VIII: 134. 

«" Cf. Tate's Island Princess, in which two or three Moors utter Chris- 
tian sentiments of pity wholly out of character. 

2* The Duke of Lerma, The Conquest of China, The Gentleman Danc- 
ing Master, The Empress of Morocco, Beauty in Distress, and Love and 
Revenge. 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 183 

Ibrahim, tJie 13th Emperor, The Governor of Cyprus, The 
Loyal Brother, and Abdelazar, and particularly The Royal 
Mischief, whose sensuality and incest find support in the 
source of the play, Chardin's Travels into Persia. The Loyal 
Brother and Abdelazar are of further interest as containing 
parallels to two Shakespearean characters. Ismael in the 
former is a miniature lago, whereas Abdelazar in the latter, 
particularly in his speech on Moors, reminds one of Othello, 
It will be noted, however, that only three of these plays are 
heroic, all but one of the others being tragedies ; moreover, 
the most natural characters in these three heroic plays are 
not the major characters, upon whom the "heroic" portrayal 
was most lavishly spent. 

It is fair to conclude, then, that with the exception of eight 
or ten plays, mostly tragedies, Restoration drama falls short 
of Elizabethan drama in the portrayal of Oriental character, 
and that the cause of the defect must be sought in the arti- 
ficial elevation and debasement of character inaugurated by 
the heroic play. 

Quite the reverse are the results of a consideration of the 
last aspect to be discussed — the depiction of the life and cus- 
toms of the Oriental. If the interest in character distinction 
was slight, the inclination was very strong in the direction of 
careful presentation of Oriental settings, the realistic intro- 
duction of customs, rites, and observances that would lend 
"atmosphere" to the play, references to the religious prac- 
tices of the race involved, and other devices tending to visual- 
ize the difference between the milieu of, say, a comedy of com- 
monplace English manners and that of a tragedy of the far- 
away life of Turkey or Morocco. Three possible reasons may 
be found for this emphasis upon the more scenic aspects of 
the plays. There was first, of course, the general tendency 
toward the elaboration of scene that, beginning with Daven- 
ant's Siege of Rhodes, operated throughout the Restoration 
period. In the second place, there was again the special in- 
fluence of the heroic play, depending for its success largely 
upon variety and novelty of scene, qualities shared also by 
the opera. Lastly, there was the increased acquaintanceship 



184 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

with the Orient, obtained partly through histories, but more 
through the accounts of contemporary travelers and diplo- 
matic officials, and, most particularly, through the stimulating 
romances of the school of Mile, de Scudery, which came near 
creating a veritable vogue for interest in the Orient. It is a 
far cry, indeed, from the comparatively scanty portrayal of 
Oriental atmosphere found in Elizabethan drama to the 
abundant, vivid, and detailed presentation (often too detailed) 
of at least the outstanding customs and practices found in the 
Restoration plays. 

TJie Siege of Rhodes, significantly enough, marks the be- 
ginning not merely of Restoration drama as a whole but of the 
new attitude toward the matter of the Orient, the seizing of 
the great opportunity for scenic effects that lay in the still 
little known, far-away lands of the East. The variety and 
life of these scenes laid in Rhodes are repeated again and 
again through the period, necessitating abundant stage direc- 
tions and long descriptions of the settings at the openings 
of the numerous and frequently shifted scenes. It was Settle, 
of course, who contributed most to the stage machinery of the 
period, and his seven Oriental plays are illustrative of these 
full stage directions."^ Great care is taken to depict the 
seraglio vividly, to present adequately the gorgeous rooms of 
Oriental monarchs, and to picture the attractive groves, gar- 
dens, and palm-lined walks as the appropriate surroundings 
of the characters.^*' Not merely in material setting, however, 
is unusual interest evinced. The constant introduction of 
mutes, with the ever-present bow-strings and bowls of poison, 
the eunuchs coming and going, and the Mohammedan priests 
quoting the Koran-^ is evidence both of a genuine knowledge 
of these details and an ability to turn them to account on the 
stage. To be sure, the tendency led to exaggeration, and in 
many plays it results in sheer sensationalism and extrava- 



^ See particularly The Empress of Morocco and The Fairy-Queen. 

* For illustration of these details see, especially, Abra-mule, The Con- 
quest of China, The Empress of Morocco, Ibrahim the Ilhistrious Bassa, 
The Fairy-Queen, and Motteux's Island Princess. 

27 Cf Mustapha, The Loyal Brother, Ibrahim, the 13th Emepror, Abra- 
mule, The False Count, etc. 



THE ORIENTAL IN RESTORATION DRAMA 185 

gance, making the play more like a kaleidoscope than a drama 
of normal human beings. The horrible ''black room" scene 
in The Conspiracy, the ''mummy" scene in Sacrifice, the 
scene in T^ie Royal Mischief in which Osman is shot off in a 
cannon, and the scene of Bajazet beating out his brains in 
Tamerlane and Sacrifice are examples of this exaggeration. 
Suicide of Mohammedans, moreover, is even more prevalent 
than in Elizabethan drama, revealing the same ignorance of a 
fundamental religious belief that characterizes the earlier 
period. ^^ Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the Restora- 
tion dramatist knew much more than did his predecessor 
about the life, customs, beliefs, and characteristic surround- 
ings of the Oriental, and that he chose to exhibit this knowl- 
edge in strikingly vivid and concrete ways, even to the point 
of abusing his opportunity. 

What now are the conclusions to be derived from this con- 
sideration of the Oriental on the Restoration stage? In the 
first place, we have seen that the very considerable number of 
plays and their wide distribution among the dramatists of 
the period, including practically all of the prominent play- 
wrights except some writers of comedy, indicate a greater 
and broader interest in the Orient than has hitherto obtained. 
As in the case of Elizabethan drama this interest inclined 
to the production of serious plays, with the introduction of 
the new and' important class of heroic plays. The sources 
drawn upon were, as in the earlier period, mostly histories, 
but a new source, that of French drama and romance, was 
only second in importance and perhaps greater in significance. 
Accuracy in the employment of sources, however, is less evi- 
dent than in the earlier period, particularly as regards char- 
acter portrayal. The range of scene presented is very much 
wider than heretofore, and the nationalities portrayed are of 
greater variety — the whole of the continent of Asia being 
drawn upon for setting and character. Turkey and the Turks 
are still predominant, but the Chinese, the Hindus, and others 
come in for their share of interest, and the lands of the 



2^* See, for a discussion of this matter, Mod. Phil., XII: 443. 



186 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN STUDIES 

Mediterranean give way to the farther countries of Asia 
proper. In one important particular, the accurate portrayal 
of character, the Eestoration falls short of the Elizabethan 
period, with the heroic drama largely to blame for this de- 
fect. In the portrayal of customs, however, the Restoration 
drama is superior, showing more knowledge and more inclina- 
tion to exhibit it. Combining these conclusions, we may say 
that so far as external matters were concerned, matters of 
scene, rites, observances, etc., the Restoration period shows 
an advance towards a more intimate knowledge of the Orient, 
but that as regards the fundamental character of the Oriental 
himself, though Restoration Englishmen may have known 
more than their predecessors, they at least did not choose to 
reveal this knowledge in their plays. For this distinction it 
is not too much to say that the influence of the heroic play, 
emphasizing the external at the expense of the internal, w^as 
at least largely to blame. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



010 072 306 2 



Ill (It It 111! !1 Witt' 

010 072 306 2 ^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 






010 072 306 2 ^ 



